What if there had been no Vahdettin… If we become civilians, everything is over, Rauf!

As one of the darkest-remaining pages of our recent history, the relationship between Mustafa Kemal and Vahdettin is in fact something that could be illuminated, even from the standpoint of logic alone, without needing much documentation. It is by now much better known that Mustafa Kemal set out for Anatolia with a mission and very broad powers received from Sultan Vahdettin, but it is also known that for years great pains were taken to cover this fact up.

Without the great powers Mustafa Kemal received from the Sultan, he would have had no freedom of movement in Anatolia, and it is plain that no one would have recognized him or obeyed him. Indeed, what enabled him to move so easily in Anatolia, and what led the National Struggle movement, which had begun in Anatolia long before him, to submit to him, was entirely the imperial seal and the fact that he was representing the Sultan at that moment.

The whole ground of legitimacy of the National Struggle is saving the homeland under the leadership of the Sultan and the Caliph. The Societies for the Defense of Rights (Müdafaa-i Hukuk) organized for this purpose, and all the movements in Anatolia, were prepared to obey whoever carried the authority that Mustafa Kemal held in his hands. Although that office and duty was that of an inspectorate, its powers made it possible to gather all the fighting forces in the country under its control, and Mustafa Kemal was an envoy expected to be sent by the Sultan and representing the Sultan.

Indeed, when he arrived in Erzurum and was notified of the order from Istanbul discharging him from the army, Şevket Süreyya Aydemir describes very strikingly, in his book titled Tek Adam, the psychological state into which he fell. The words Mustafa Kemal spoke to Rauf Orbay that night show very clearly where the National Struggle's real initiating power drew its strength, and also that he himself was aware of it.

"If we become civilians, everything ends, Rauf. The state, office and backing have another value. The struggle in Anatolia will be a military struggle. Giving orders in this struggle requires official authority" (Mustafa Kemal, Aydemir, 1999: 100)

Even if until then he had some fame acquired from his role in certain battles, this fame alone was not enough to make him fit the role of the "savior" awaited in the country. Even his emergence, to a certain extent, as a savior came again because of the mission he had undertaken from the Sultan.

Unlike the high-ranking officers who had crossed into Anatolia before him, he preferred not to cross without receiving broad powers confirmed by the Sultan. He was able to establish his presence and activities in Anatolia through the authority he based on the title "Inspector-General of the Third (Ninth) Army and Honorary Aide-de-Camp to His Imperial Majesty."

Moreover, even though he had taken up the post with this authority from the Sultan, he had considerable difficulty gaining acceptance at the Erzurum Congress, for instance, because of objections to his person and to some of his conduct. At the Erzurum Congress, which Kazım Karabekir had prepared two months in advance and to which he introduced him, there were objections to him for various reasons. Yet thanks to the intense efforts of Kazım Karabekir, who had great weight, prestige and influence there, he was accepted in keeping with his mission.

Even the hesitations that arose about his person at the outset stemmed from reports that he had no authority in the eyes of the Istanbul Government. Indeed, while he was in Erzurum for the preparations for the Congress, Mustafa Kemal Pasha was summoned to Istanbul by the Ministry of War. Because he did not accept this summons to return, on the night of 8/9 July 1919 he was dismissed from the army and from all his duties in the army. Of course, this is how official history tells this part of the matter. But the truth is that, as many sources make very clear, as a result of Mustafa Kemal's telegraph exchanges with Istanbul that night, another plan was set in motion.

As a result of these telegraph exchanges it appears very clear that Mustafa Kemal resigned with Vahdettin's knowledge, because the British occupation command was pressing for his return to Istanbul, and so it is understood that he received the instruction to "resign and continue in your duty." Indeed, this also explains why Kâzım Karabekir continued to give his unconditional support (See Mehmet Ali Beyhan, Tarihin Gerçek Yüzü-3, Sultan Vahdettin Hain mi Mağdur mu? Beyan Yayınları, 2024: 104 ff.).

Indeed, the members of the Congress had also heard of this dismissal decision, and for that reason they saw the possibility that he, discredited as an ordinary individual stripped at once of his powers and hence of his strength and leadership, would be unable to continue in his duty. In fact, even if it was collusive, Mustafa Kemal himself was able to see, even at this stage of the affair, that without any authority in the eyes of Istanbul he would have no chance of taking the next step.

Indeed, it is known to everyone that on that day the sole source of Mustafa Kemal's power was neither his own charisma, nor his much-vaunted successes in battle, nor this or that quality, but entirely the authority he had received from the Sultan/Caliph. Without this authority, he would have had no means that could have enabled him to carry out the National Struggle.

At that moment, because Kazım Karabekir was far more authoritative and his word was heeded by everyone, he persuaded all the members of the Congress by reason of their redefined duties and brought Mustafa Kemal back onto the stage. Here too there is a truth that is overlooked: had Kazım Karabekir's persuasive efforts not come into play and introduced Mustafa Kemal to the members of the congress, it would not have been possible for Mustafa Kemal, who had no chance of entering as a member, to be elected president of the Congress. Evidently Kazım Karabekir had strong knowledge and a strong document with which to persuade the Congress members. That document is the fact that, even if he had been nominally dismissed from his post, the mission and powers entrusted to him by the Sultan continued.

Indeed, Mustafa Kemal also, "in his capacity as president of the congress, said that all his effort and aim was to save the Ottoman State; he asked God to make successful the congress delegation, which was charged with considering our sacred values, and our honorable nation, the owner of the blessed homeland and the defender of the religion of Islam until the Day of Judgment; and he wished that He preserve the offices of the sultanate and caliphate. He ended his speech at the end of the Congress with the following prayer: 'As this auspicious gathering of ours draws to a close / as our meeting, which will be a means of deliverance, comes to an end, I wish, with the supplication of help and guidance from God, the Bestower of Hopes, and of victory and intercession from the all-conquering spirit of our glorious Prophet / from the spirituality of our glorious Prophet, blessed outcomes for our homeland and nation and for our everlasting state'" (Beyhan, op. cit., p. 118).

Let us imagine the nature of the process and atmosphere at work here. We can understand that, under the conditions of that day, a Mustafa Kemal with the characteristics we have mentioned, had he lacked the Sultan's permission and authority, would have met everywhere the treatment he received in Erzurum from the very first minute. In that case, would it have been possible for him to carry out any activity in Anatolia?

Of course, none of this means that Mustafa Kemal had no leadership ability or charisma whatsoever; but it does mean that, whatever happened, at this stage, without the Sultan's authority, patronage and appointment, neither he nor anyone who might have taken his place would have had any chance of advancing a single step. And this is entirely consistent with the nature of the matter. For there is a very strong identification between the homeland and the Sultan and Caliph, and the Caliph is still the strongest figure and source of legitimacy representing the body of the homeland and the nation. Someone at odds with the Caliph, hostile to the Caliph, or acting in spite of him could not possibly lead so broad and deep-rooted a movement, let alone even exist against that movement.

(For a broader account, see Yasin Aktay, Tarihin Gerçek Yüzü-8, Cumhuriyetin İlk Yılları Demokrasi mi Diktatörlük mü?, Beyan Yayınları, 2025).