From ideological politics to real politics in Pakistan's Jamaat-e-Islami

Since 1941, the year it was founded by Mawdudi, and since 1956, when it turned into a political party in addition to being a movement of da'wa (invitation), the Jamaat-e-Islami of Pakistan has constituted a serious cultural and ideological hegemonic force in society. However, the fact that this hegemonic power or prestige has not been converted into votes constitutes a characteristic paradox in the Jamaat's history. Hafiz Naeem ur Rehman, elected last year to head the Jamaat-e-Islami of Pakistan, draws attention with the profile of a young, activist, charismatic leader who grew up in urban politics, in contrast to the earlier chairmen, most of whom were traditional, of rural origin and came from the classical madrasa tradition. Born in 1973, Naeem, an engineer and activist, appears to have the potential to create new dynamics within the party.

He previously led the party's Karachi branch and gained experience of political struggle at the city level. This feature points to a strategy of strengthening JI's base especially in big cities. But more important than that is the fact that under Naeem's leadership the party has developed a discourse that places more emphasis on "changing the system." For example, one news headline carried the phrase "the struggle will continue until the system changes." While this discourse shows that JI may follow a more reformist and more active course, it also seems likely to open a new and strong channel with young people in particular, who are always oppositional and want to hear newer things. For Naeem is someone harsher, more defiant, who actively uses street mobilization and can turn media and social crises into opportunities.

At the same time, as someone with an engineering and urban-planning background, by also emphasizing subjects such as "innovation, environment, urban management" in many of his analyses, he comes to the fore with a technocratic, solution-producing side that goes beyond JI's customary religious-ideological discourse to date. Building on Naeem's success in Karachi, JI is targeting young urban masses through service-oriented municipal government, "city problems" such as transportation, water and electricity, and urban activism.

I remember the self-criticisms that JI representatives, with whom I have spoken a great deal before, made. They said that JI had concentrated on doing politics by explaining the religious equivalents of things within the country's politics, and that it had no politics of really producing and presenting concrete solutions to the truly vital and painful problems of society. Perhaps it is because until now it did not truly aspire to power and assigned itself a different mission; we cannot know. But it seems that with Naeem, JI has aspired to a mission it appeared to have neglected until now, and has perhaps for the first time embarked on a campaign that will aspire to power.

Indeed, the Jamaat has a very strong and hierarchical organization. The fact that Naeem's arrival at the chairmanship came not as the result of a conflict or rivalry within the Jamaat but, on the contrary, of a smooth transition within the Jamaat itself also shows the Jamaat's ability to observe its own condition and to decide on the necessary reforms when needed. More importantly, the Jamaat's strong and actively functioning youth branches ensure that new generations who have thoroughly embraced the Jamaat's philosophy and values are raised.

Since I have never attended past congresses, I cannot make a direct comparison regarding this first congress of JI under Naeem's leadership, but according to what I am told it is taking place in a much more enthusiastic atmosphere. Thousands of Jamaat members who came from all over Pakistan have camped in the Minar-e-Pakistan square and the courtyard of the Badshahi Mosque, and the excited participation of women, men and children has given the congress a festival atmosphere.

On the platform set up opposite the Minar-e-Pakistan square sit guests invited from Pakistan and from every part of the world. With a fine screen, stage and sound system, a beautiful gathering of tens of thousands of Jamaat members takes place in the square. The participation of people who sit on the ground in the square and follow the speeches, which begin toward evening and continue late into the night, with patience, interest and without any distraction, makes the congress a conference in the true sense. It is truly remarkable that so many people listen to the speeches with rapt attention for hours without dispersing. I recall that at our own congresses it is impossible to keep anyone in the halls after the chairman's speech, and I feel that I am seeing a serious difference.

The approach of the many young volunteers who took part in organizing the congress, as sympathetic, warm, intelligent and efficient as can be, is striking. I had earlier conveyed a similar observation and impression about the youth of Bangladesh's JI. The youth of Pakistan's JI are also unbelievably intelligent, dedicated, sympathetic and active. Someone who knows their language is said to be assigned to look after each country's delegation. For the Turkish delegation, too, young people who know excellent Turkish were assigned. Young people such as Muhammad Dayem and Muhammad Babur Aziz have learned Turkish fluently without ever coming to Turkey. Their paths have somehow crossed with institutions such as the Maarif Foundation, IHH and Yunus Emre.

Most of the Pakistani people already have a strong, historically rooted interest in and affection for Turkey. This affection always generates an interest in the Turkish language and in Turkey as well. But most importantly, as in Bangladesh, most of the young people here also say that Turkey's historical TV series in recent times, Diriliş Ertuğrul, Kuruluş Osman, Selçuklu, and now Fetihler Sultanı, have revived an altogether different bond. The Jamaat has a very strong youth organization and women's branches. In the square, women too have filled the places reserved for them and are following the speeches with great interest.

Alongside Pakistani flags and portraits of the JI leader Hafiz Emin ur Rahman, Palestinian flags wave more than all the rest. Representatives of the international guests also speak, and every speech without fail touches on Gaza. At that moment the square stirs up considerably. Ali Karadaghi, Secretary-General of the International Union of Muslim Scholars; Prof. Sami al-Arian of CIGA at Istanbul Sabahattin Zaim University; Anas Altikriti, president of the Cordoba Foundation in the UK; the Brazilian activist Thiago Avila, who stood out in the Sumud Flotilla; the British journalist-activist Lauren Booth, who converted to Islam (known as Tony Blair's sister-in-law); Mahmut Arıkan, Chairman of the Felicity Party; and your humble servant were some of those who spoke on the first day.

The next day, during the daytime, at a meeting in the same format, Fatih Erbakan, Chairman of the New Welfare Party, arrived in time and had the opportunity to address JI members. While all of the speakers emphasized in particular the support that Pakistan as a state has given to Gaza, they pointed to the need for this support to be made more effective at the level of the ummah and to its possible ways. Thus the need to make up for the imbalance created in this world by the fragmentation of two billion Muslims, and for the injustice arising from that imbalance, was strongly underlined.

On the third day of the congress, together with international participants numbering close to a hundred, the JI leadership held a round-table meeting under the title "In Search of a More Just Global Order." Let us convey our notes on that meeting later.