The 17 December coup and a curse like an order

Although we face a very different variety, it is not possible to say that the December 17 coup attempt is entirely detached from past coup experiences. The distinctive feature of the December 17 coup attempt is an investigation that a prosecutor launched without his chief prosecutor, to whom he is accountable, being informed, in great secrecy but sharing its content with the social or conventional media units attached to him, and creating faits accomplis. In the other stages of the attempt, however, "cut-and-paste" tactics from February 28 are being followed.

"Disturbed deputies" are resigning, or being made to resign, one by one like foot soldiers of psychological warfare. Just as on February 28, deputies are being made to resign willingly or through blackmail and pressure. In this way, an impression is given that the AK Parti is beginning to crumble, and an attempt is made to undermine morale. Yet every deputy's resignation further increases the impression that the judicial operation under way is a coup attempt, because this society has seen, if not the entire film, at least this part of it many times over, to the point of its being engraved in its emotional memory.

One of the scenes of the film that is being watched again is the HSYK beginning to derive duties from situations and to issue statements. The relevant courts, influenced by these statements, hurriedly making decisions against the government. Let us admit that in the coup films we watched before, there was no prosecutor distributing leaflets to passers-by in front of the courthouse because he was being prevented from carrying out an investigation.

That these prosecutors, who have not lifted a finger to investigate the 17 thousand unsolved murders in the country despite all the roads the government has opened today and all the courage it has given, have suddenly been seized by a love of justice is a tear-jerking situation.

A prosecutor has no authority of his own to investigate; he must conduct the investigation he will carry out on behalf of the chief prosecutor, or under his instruction, permission and supervision. That is what the book says. But our prosecutor, burning with a love of justice, behind the chief prosecutor's back, acts like a rival, an adversary, with a desperate zealotry against a government that has been evident for months to be the target of a certain group.

This attitude itself is sufficient indication that he cannot conduct a fair investigation. There is no need to look anywhere else. Naturally the chief prosecutor does not allow passage to an investigation that a prosecutor conducts with a logic of revenge or war. He does not allow that passage, but our hero-of-justice prosecutor blows up his entire judicial career in the public square all at once, like a suicide bomber. Now whoever understands this however they will...

This too goes on record as one of the unusual scenes of the usual coup film. But frankly it is a scene to be hat-tipped, extremely original. All its success it owes to the de facto situation it was able to create. This de facto situation itself is the height of corruption, immorality, lying, bribery and rape. Because in this way it aims to bring down an elected government by striking a destructive blow, a coup.

Of course, the December 17 coup attempt also has an international leg, or discourse. There are also those who voice these discourses against the AK Parti and Turkey without any embarrassment.

The community media on the one hand explains that this operation consists of nothing more than a bribery and corruption operation, but whatever they do, they cannot hide their grudge and hatred toward Prime Minister Erdoğan. That the reason for this hatred being the prep schools was a huge lie is plainly revealed at this time.

The "big beard" unit attached to the community and other support troops state clearly that behind all these operations lies Turkey's foreign policy. These vanguard and support units, who have fallen into worry about Turkey's relations with the EU, do not hold back from expressing as a problem, above all, the deterioration of relations with Israel, the rapprochement with Iran, and, in the same breath, Turkey's self-willed foreign policy.

They are openly disturbed by the self-confidence Turkey shows in pursuing an independent foreign policy. It is understood that in the 2nd wave of the operation, the business circles that will build the 3rd bridge, the 3rd airport and Kanal İstanbul in Istanbul will be targeted.

What does it mean that these projects, which were also the target of the Gezi uprising and which will be the basic conditions of Turkey's self-confidence, its opening, its standing on its own feet, its running toward the 2023 goals, are targeted by such a discrediting operation?

How did we get from the prep school debate to subcontracting an international attack against Turkey? It cannot be that easy to make sense of and digest this dizzying journey. That is why everyone has the effects of a real trauma in their mind and heart. What is the meaning of the Hocaefendi, from whom we never heard an ill word against Israel, which has made trampling the lives and sacred values of Muslims a habit, against the imperialist killers, against the February 28 people, suddenly turning to a performance of cursing? Evidently, by saying "those who deal with the ones who catch the thieves instead of dealing with the thieves," he has decided that the people he made the target of his curse are thieves before their trial has even begun. So how, on what information, did he decide?

Is there anyone who does not understand that such a cursing performance means an instruction to members of the judiciary who have understood very well the message about who the target is?

Let us say more: fire falling upon their homes, their units being broken up, their being unable to be anything, their paths being blocked is not merely a curse but a war strategy. Its addressee is not God, the Possessor of mercy and compassion, who will never help the oppressors, but the affiliated units who will carry out the instruction.

The steps taken with this instruction will drop fire upon the homes of many of them; the unit will be broken up by those who will be made to resign through blackmail or pressure and by other effects; all their future political career plans will be ruined; what could not be done through legitimate democratic means will have been done, and their paths will have been blocked in this way. When the instructions are carried out successfully, the curse will have taken effect, and the hoca will have shown a miracle as well. If it does not take effect, it will be brushed aside as "it was just a curse anyway."