The CHP's desire for a "postmodern single party"

We are heading toward the May 14 elections. The picture emerging in the political polarizations in the final stretch actually reveals where the road we have been taking for a long time was planned and prepared to bring us. It is as if someone's plan is running like clockwork within its own framework, within its own limits. Of course, according to plans that work, unforeseen hitches along the way are fixed, rubble on the road is cleared, those who need to be included in the cadres are somehow persuaded and included, and those who play spoilsport are persuaded again and pulled back to their posts.

Despite this, of course, not everything goes as desired. The calculations made at home, the plans in those circles, do not always match the marketplace. Meanwhile the storms whipped up in the media or on social media also come into play as measures taken to keep the plans on track. They too are part of the plans.

There is a process that began to operate with Kılıçdaroğlu's being brought to the head of the CHP 14 years ago through a tape operation. Of course we cannot say that today's plan started from that time. Since then the same circles have made a great many plans, plans that blew up in their hands and did not go as expected. Plans in which, each time, a nasty mishap, a "small" detail that could not be calculated, dashed all their enthusiasm.

Everyone knows that in the game they wanted to play with Kılıçdaroğlu's being brought to office by a coup, there was no victory at all. All of Kılıçdaroğlu's defeats are in fact the defeats of those circles. Even so, they have not thought of replacing Kılıçdaroğlu until now, perhaps because they could not find a better actor to put in his place. Today too it is clear they have not found anyone more functional to put forward, but we can plainly see the sum of other political initiatives that came into play long ago in his preparation for this election process.

When we look at the chairs of the table of six, we understand that each of them had been indebted in advance, long ago, on behalf of the CHP, and virtually condemned to the table.

In fact, if we start from the seventh partner of the table, before the 2015 elections there was a support revealed in the form of lending one vote from every CHP household to make the HDP pass the threshold. That debt was in fact a picture of the HDP's being turned directly into an arm of the CHP. It is also one of the reasons why today HDP executives, despite so much humiliation and so much being ignored, are willing to be regarded as the secret and illegitimate partner of the table. Their debts to the CHP require them to consent blindly to any task whatever. Even if the CHP promises them nothing, they have a large debt that they have signed for and that multiplies every day in the hands of a loan shark. Loading this debt onto the Kurdish people is, by their lights, a way out, though of course the Kurdish people have no obligation to accept this debt. The Kurds who can see how and in return for what their will was sold, see it.

The other party that the CHP indebted openly, in front of everyone's eyes, in a way not seen in our political history and not easily to be seen again, is the İYİ Party. In the 2018 elections, so that they could form a group in Parliament, it had had the necessary deputies resign from its party by the method of assignment and enrolled them in the İYİ Party. We understand better from what is happening today that this move would not begin and end as a short-term debt-credit relationship. The insults and curses that Meral Akşener had not been subjected to in 25 years during the three days she stayed away from the table, objecting to a formation that sat well neither with herself nor with the party base, only served as a reminder of this debt. She could not so easily escape paying this debt, and in any case if she had not returned to the table, the files of seizure and blackmail had already been openly shown to her.

These two events are in themselves cases that will serve as examples in world political history of exceptions, oddities, peculiarities and their possibilities within politics. They can serve as an example of usury in politics, as well as of the designing of the political field by a fine engineering effort. What kind of debt could be what drives the so-called conservative partners of the table to suspend all their political philosophies, discourses and claims and turns them into the most docile partners of the table?

Kılıçdaroğlu's first emerging as "the one man" within the CHP and then becoming a candidate by suppressing all objections through methods that repeat one another cannot be seen as an "ambitious politician story" that can simply be brushed aside.

It is increasingly visible that there is a power, a plan, an undertaking that unites under the same roof so many parties that do not resemble one another and that seem impossible to bring together.

What is visible at the first stage is that all these parties are becoming branches of the CHP. This means the following. The CHP, which governed Turkey for 27 years as the "single party" from the moment it was founded in 1923, is renewing itself under today's conditions. Where it cannot continue single-party rule under the CHP brand, it is trying to face the voter with different brands that will fulfill the same function.

In fact, although it fell from power after 1950, because it had made its own party program the official ideology, it never held back, even in multi-party life, from its ambition, and often its success, in governing the other parties in a different way. Conditions have changed quite a bit today, but there has been no change in the CHP's style of politics. Today this style of politics is trying to cunningly exploit the new opportunities that have arisen before it.

In appearance there are six, seven parties before us, but CHP programs are inside all of them.

In the genetics of this CHP style of politics, when it seizes power there is not recognizing any comrade, ally or partner, liquidating them all and again becoming the "single party" and, at its most dictatorial, the "one man."

Let the partners of the table of seven now worry about that.