Someone's crisis is Turkey's opportunity

Turkey is really like a scene from a high-tension, action-packed film. A surprise development occurring every moment settles on the country's agenda, and before we have fully grasped or digested the effect of that event, we are caught up in the excitement of another scene with another event.

Yet toward the end of the film the connections among many events that seemed unconnected are made, and events that at first looked like meaningless random occurrences take on meaning as fragments of a holistic story.

We are moving quickly toward the end of the film, or at least toward the end of the season.

With the Silvan attack, it became clearly seen that the whole picture reflected to us until now in the fight against terror was a misdirection and even a deception. Although the report announced by the General Staff following the investigation of the incident clarified how the incident took place, it did not explain in any way why events were like this, why untrained, unsupported soldiers were sent after the terrorist up those mountains, and how such an oblivion that ignored the possibility of such an attack was fallen into. In fact, even the announcement of the report in this way made one directly feel that there was a great deal of match-fixing involved. This report was kept accurate, of course, but this report also made one clearly think and say one more thing: the fight against terror must definitely be taken away from the TSK.

First, there is no other way for this fight to be rid of match-fixing.

Second, Turkey can no longer tolerate the TSK's being worn down this much. The TSK must now be an institution that deals only with external defense, as in all developed democratic countries. Otherwise, a fight waged against a structure that, though its name be terrorist, has the support of many of this country's people, has no effect other than eroding the social support of the army, which must belong to the whole nation.

Third, a regular army generally has no chance of success against an organization that acts with an irregular method of fighting that recognizes no rules.

Probably starting from these considerations, the government for the first time questioned the military's position in this business, and during the past week began to work on the matter of handing this "work of fighting terror" over to the police or special operations units. In fact these statements were a sign that a new era had begun. It was understood that in this new era, although an extremely democratic policy of opening would be followed regarding the Kurdish question, effective steps would be taken in the fight against terror that would also eliminate every possibility of corruption and match-fixing.

It was no secret that the TSK command echelon was very uncomfortable with this development. The dark points illuminated toward the end of the film were increasingly bringing certain people forward as responsible for a 30-year process.

In addition, it was no secret that the situation of the generals detained in the Ergenekon, Balyoz, internet memorandum and other cases would create serious tension in the YAŞ. With the acceptance of the indictment in the internet memorandum case, the possibility arose that many generals expected to be promoted at this year's YAŞ would also be arrested, which showed that no calculation made in advance would hold at the YAŞ. The tension was going to be at its peak. But with one difference from past tensions: this time the military wing has no valid trump card or argument left with which to stoke the tension.

The resignation (in fact, their asking for retirement) of the force commanders two days before the YAŞ actually carries the intention of a last psychological operation. For they were going to retire anyway in this YAŞ period because of age limit. Whatever position they hope to seize by making their own retirement felt as a crisis for the country, they cannot reach that position, because we have come to a stage where such moves will gain them nothing. Perhaps they may have considered being able to enter the officers' clubs a little more comfortably in their retirement, but even that may not mean much any more at this hour.

The first reflection of this collective resignation was perceived as a "flight," which is not at all a positive image for the TSK's command echelon. Despite their wish to present it as a crisis, the situation that emerged has in fact created a great field of opportunity for the reforms that can be made to put civil-military relations in Turkey on a healthier footing. When this field of opportunity is well used, both a stronger and more democratic Turkey and a stronger TSK structure can be reached.

The truth is, even if this is a crisis, it is not Turkey's crisis but at most the crisis of some ranked officers, which constitutes an opportunity for Turkey.

To put it more correctly, we are nearing the end of the film, and all the mysteries put before us from the beginning are being solved one by one.