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Turkey and politicsYeni Şafak

The gains of democracy

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There are only 6 days left until the elections. The previous election took place in the atmosphere of the 367 crisis, the 27 April memorandum and the government's raising of the stakes against that memorandum, and in my view it was an election that produced the most important results for the democratization process in the history of the republic. As a result of the government's defiance, at the ballot box, of the last attempt of the tradition of coups, Turkish democracy set out on the road to major gains.

However, these gains also meant a defeat that could never be digested by those segments that had lost their unjust political advantages. That is why preventing the constitutional amendment that the AK Parti, which had come to power with 47 percent, would undertake in order to purge the tutelary centers formed the most important line of resistance. These centers organized the closure case against the AK Parti. Nowadays, documents of the shameful details of the interventions of the General Staff and other centers in this process, which we knew about even back then but for which we did not have documents, are coming to light one by one.

Despite the closure case brought against the AK Parti, with the Ergenekon and Balyoz cases marching toward the heart of these centers, Turkish democracy has set out on the road to proving its maturity. What we have been living through since the previous election period has made the coming election increasingly a much more important turning point. The possibility of Turkey being governed by extra-political centers has never been entirely eliminated.

There is an opposition, both within the CHP and within the MHP, that is being shaped by perpetrators unknown, through tape operations, and designed as a bloc against the AK Parti. We should not be expected to be persuaded by what is merely said on the surface, as if nothing had happened while politics is being arranged by these unknown centers, and to understand politics solely within its own channel.

That the BDP too takes its place, in its own peculiar ways, within the designed opposition bloc, though somewhat strange, is increasingly becoming a reality to which everyone is growing accustomed. This alliance, which was also displayed in the constitutional referendum, had come together somehow around the axis of not letting the AK Parti change the constitution, but judging by its claims, the BDP was the party that had the most difficulty explaining to its own base its objection to the content of the referendum. Because of this difficulty, instead of saying "no" to the constitution, it had to join the alliance by opting for a boycott.

ACCUSING THOSE WHO CRITICIZE THE PKK OR THE BDP OF ANTI-SEMITISM

Let no one bother to explain this alliance of the BDP, against the AK Parti, which has implemented the most deep-rooted solution program for the Kurdish question in the history of the Republic, with the centrist parties of the very mentality that is the source of this problem, within the rationality of purely political reason. This alliance, unfortunately, has a much darker motivation, and from it comes only intrigue, not politics. With the support it gives to the CHP in Hakkari, to the MHP in Elazığ, and to the PKK, which is sabotaging the election process in the mountains or in the city, the BDP will sooner or later have to explain what political parenthesis it falls into.

Meanwhile, how persuasive will it be that they immediately present every problem directed at them as an "attack on Kurds"? It creates a strange situation that whenever the Prime Minister criticizes the most unjust practices of the BDP members or PKK members, which no conscience could defend, a BDP official rushes to the microphone and goes into defense with sentences such as "The Prime Minister is attacking the Kurds," "He has erased the Kurds," and others somehow containing "Kurds."

The most widespread similar example of this strangeness is answering every criticism directed at Israel's Zionist practices, attacks and terror immediately with a charge of "anti-Semitism." When the PKK's killing of imams coming out of the morning prayer, its burning of Imam-Hatip dormitories together with the students inside, and its violence against representatives of other civil society organizations in the region are opposed, is it the Kurds who are being opposed? What, is it the Kurdish people who commit this terror? Is it the Kurdish people who kill the imams? Is it the Kurdish people who try to burn the students?

I do not know where the BDP members picked up this Zionist tactic, but this is clearly nothing other than the exploitation of the Kurdish people.