The Kurdish-worker massacre of the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK)

While Turkey is waging a successful struggle, envied across the world, against the Covid19 pandemic sweeping the entire globe, it is at the same time reviving a political thought and value about what the state's reason for existence is: The state exists for the human being, to revive the human being, to keep the human being alive.

The principle “keep the human being alive so that the state may live” is the most fundamental principle of the conception of the state produced by Islamic civilization, and this principle, like a spirit breathed into the body of the Ottomans, enabled it to stand on these lands for six centuries. We are all seeing together what a difference this pandemic has made for the Western world, which today lives its modernity, its globality, its postmodernity as a discourse of arrogance over the rest of the world.

The emergency responses carried out during the earthquakes also show how quickly and effectively this state can organize when it is a matter of human beings. This too is one of the important indicators of a politics aimed at keeping the human being alive. A state organized with a sensitivity that prioritizes its own citizens attaining a standard of living most befitting human dignity and receiving the best treatment is what, above all, the Islamic world, and in fact the whole world, needs today. That Turkey is leading as a model in this today, through its practice, is a separate cause for happiness.

While Turkey tries to keep its citizens alive without distinguishing between Turk-Kurd-Arab-Laz-Circassian, while it strives desperately to rescue its children trapped under the rubble of the earthquake in İzmir, regarding them as life of its life and blood of its blood, PKK terrorists killed three people by attacking Kurdish workers who work with the labor of their hands and the sweat of their brow to bring bread home, supposedly in the name of winning rights for Kurds.

All three people killed in the attack with missiles and long-barreled weapons on a construction machine doing road work in the Derecik district of Hakkari, in an area near the Iraqi border, were at once Kurdish, workers, and unarmed. The road they were building is the most basic state service the Kurds of the region most need, aimed at raising their quality of life. And of course this is neither the first nor the last attack on civilians by the PKK, which tries to obstruct the state as it brings these services to the Kurds, or to all the people of the region.

Undoubtedly, the PKK has recently been cornered when it comes to carrying out actions. It can no longer carry out effective and result-producing actions against the security forces as it used to. So to speak, it can no longer lift its head. The security forces' recent effective struggle against terror has brought the organization's entire effectiveness on the ground to the point of ending. For that reason, it can be said that the organization is taking its spite out on innocent people it can find.

But it is not so simple. The PKK is not attacking workers at random. Looked at from the standpoint of the PKK's narrow ideological program, the region's development reduces the PKK's power over the people. As regional development, coming through roads and other infrastructure services, raises the Kurds' quality of life through the state's hand, what it sees breaking is its own authority. It sees very well that it can maintain its own authority only thanks to regional backwardness. Its aim and its way is not to liberate the Kurds, to develop them, to keep them alive. With the attitude of “let those who die die, those who remain are ours,” it watches to see whether the authority born of terror, fear and terrorism that it has established through those it kills can make the Kurds obey it.

The PKK has never been in pursuit of liberating the Kurds; on the contrary, it has always been concerned with forming a mass that is dependent on it and, from there, enslaved to it. With the theater it calls self-rule, it in fact displayed a practice very far from creating a democratic environment in which Kurds would govern themselves. What it meant by self-rule was nothing but the demand that all Kurds be handed over to the PKK-organization's rule.

If Kurds are not subject to the PKK, then they are not even Kurds; at most they were alienated people, state agents, people who had lost their origin. And Kurds who were not subject to them deserved to die. Those who remained would suffice them as subjects.

When the foundation of the struggle that such an inhuman outlook carries on in the name of the Kurds' freedom is dug up, we now see sufficiently, through the game being played in Syria, that it has a Zionist agenda. Looked at from there, it has become plainly evident that what Turkey has known until now as the Kurdish question is a question of occupation, and that the organization it has known as the PKK is someone's legionary organization.

This is the end of the road for the PKK. The innocent Kurds it has killed are also harbingers of its total end. Whatever else, the sounds that the Kurdistan Workers' Party, by its very name, makes with its massacres of both workers and Kurds are like a funeral march it is playing for itself.

We wish God's mercy upon our worker brothers killed by the PKK, and offer our condolences to their relatives.