For what and whom is the PKK taking revenge on the Kurds?

The PKK's performance in escalating terror attacks in recent days cannot be explained by its own horizon, discourse, scale and capacity. Nor is this a violence that can be reconciled with Turkey's own internal tensions or debates. That this violence increases further as integration between the state and Kurds, and between Kurds and the rest of society, increases, as tension decreases and the level of understanding rises, is the clearest indicator that the matter has increasingly come to have nothing to do with the Kurdish question. The origin, the meaning and the target of this violence are very different.

The PKK, which is losing heavy blood every day, both because of the heavy losses it has suffered against the security forces owing to the "trench" policy it embarked upon, and because of this meaningless savagery and flailing, and because of the great distance that has come between it and its base, nevertheless engages every day, despite these losses, in acts of an extremely high level of treachery and great destructive capacity.

This intensification of acts, disproportionate to the loss of base it has suffered, seems to also carry the spite and savagery of the planners of the coup that could not be carried out on July 15, whose affairs went wrong. In the picture that emerges today, it is seen that the PKK, PYD, JPG, DAESH and FETÖ are all, to some degree, working in a highly coordinated, synchronized direction toward a purpose. Enough data has emerged that FETÖ was already acting in special cooperation with the PKK for the night of July 15.

It is very clear that had July 15 gone differently, the PKK, PYD and DAESH would have had a very different work schedule than today's.

We can see in today's actions the savagery and lack of a compass of having been deprived of this work schedule and of their tasks in it

. It is not so difficult to guess what kind of distribution of roles a divided Syria and a likewise divided Turkey dragged into civil war would have produced within the July 15 plan had it gone as planned.

What was foreseen on July 15 was certainly not a change of government but an occupation, and this occupation would have been carried out by armies recruited from this country's own children. The first army on which this crusader invasion attempt rested was FETÖ, which had been meticulously and insidiously infiltrated into the state and society since the fifties within a Masonic discipline and understanding. The second army was DAESH, which makes an incredible contribution to the goal of exhausting all the claims of Islam by emptying all Muslim symbols of their content.

And of course the third and most interesting army of this crusade was the PKK and PYD, recruited from the descendants of Saladin (Selahattin Eyyubi), who waged the most glorious struggle on behalf of Muslims against the Crusaders themselves

.

As a terrible crusader revenge, there could not have been a step more symbolic, more rancorous. The idea of setting upon Turkey, the nation closest today to the goal of liberating Jerusalem, the descendants of Saladin, without lifting a finger themselves, is a terrible plan and execution beyond fantasy.

That the target of all of the PKK's recent violence is Kurds is therefore not so incomprehensible. These acts are angry acts of revenge against the Kurds who never gave what was wanted and did not join the ranks of the Crusaders.

With these acts the PKK shows that it has moved on to the stage of punishing the Kurds on behalf of the crusaders.

Within the scope of this revenge, in the blind bomb attacks carried out every day, besides police and soldiers, many Kurds also lose their lives in the most terrifying and savage manner. With the wind of terror unleashed after the trench policy, the aim is to turn the lives of the Kurds into hell.

In any case, the PKK has never, from the start, pursued a lofty goal such as saving or liberating the Kurds. From the beginning, what it wanted was to take the Kurds under its own rule. To enslave the Kurds. Through the nationalist discourse it resorted to on this, it perhaps succeeded in entering the minds and hearts of many Kurdish youths, but it tried to enter by tyranny the lives of those it did not succeed with.

Forbidding the Kurds from being subject to anyone but itself, destroying the Kurds' options by tyranny, has no meaning other than enslaving the Kurds.

During election processes, village by village, ballot box by ballot box, it tried to close off the possibility of people voting for anyone other than the HDP. It always kept hanging the threat that it would make those engaged in politics in the AK Parti pay a cost. In recent days it has carried these threats to another level by directly targeting the lives of AK Parti politicians.

First

AK Parti Hakkari candidate Ahmet Budak

was treacherously martyred on the day of the holiday, in front of his children, by terrorists who came disguised as holiday visitors. Then

Van-Özalp district deputy chair Aydın Muştu

and a day later Diyarbakır's

Dicle district chair Deryan Akdert

were martyred.

These political murders and the bomb attacks resulting from them in which Kurds again die are perhaps a show of force by the organization, but never an indicator of its strength; they are becoming an indicator of its helplessness and of its having no tie whatsoever to the Kurds.

The PKK's attacks, in general, reveal in all its nakedness where it is running in this lane together with the other terrorist organizations. That place is not the salvation but the catastrophe of the Kurds, not freedom but slavery, not independence but captivity.

The PKK is nothing but the agent of this enslavement, captivity and catastrophe that is set upon the Kurds.