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PKK–FETÖ cooperation in the coup attempt

The coup attempt on the evening of July 15 has provided important data for analyzing a number of issues and making sense of the approaches of certain segments. In our previous article we spoke about the masks that this coup attempt dropped among certain circles that classify themselves as the socialist left. That was perhaps the side of the matter that was known and observed by everyone.
As the process continues and as the details of the July 15 coup attempt emerge, we see that very different networks of relations and information are being exposed. Among these interesting networks of relations are those connected with the instructive events in Siirt, which I have had the honor of representing in the Grand National Assembly. When this chain of events, which I have followed from the beginning, is evaluated as a whole, it shows that on July 15 the PKK took on a very critical role in the coup attempt of FETÖ.
On what happened in Siirt, a news analysis by my dear friend Fatih Sevgili was published
in
Diriliş Postası
.
For those who have not had the chance to read it, it will be useful to summarize here some of the points Sevgili identified. Shortly before July 15, intelligence is received that a group of 15 people from the PKK's mountain cadre has come to the center of Siirt to start trench wars. Learning that a group of 25-30 people, together with the city-based extensions, has been armed, the Siirt Governorship declares a curfew and evacuates civilians in order to carry out an operation in the relevant neighborhoods.
Support from the Commando Brigade is also requested to assist the police teams in the operation to be carried out. However, the brigade commander replies to this request for support that the Second Army has given information about another operation, and therefore support cannot be given to the operation. A far more interesting development is that the brigade commander, by sending the commanders he thought would not support the coup attempt out on a land search-and-sweep activity, pulled the Eruh commando battalion to the center of Siirt under the pretext that a terror operation would be carried out.
Their commanders tell the soldiers in the battalion that came from Eruh that events like the October 6-7 events are taking place in Siirt and that they are going to the city center to protect the Police and the Governorship. Of course, the real aim is to take the Governor and the police officials into custody. Thanks to the resolve of Siirt Governor Mustafa Tutulmaz and the discernment of the people, this attempt is averted. But the curiosities of course do not end at this point.
Because the armored vehicles and units that had blockaded the neighborhoods under curfew headed for the Governorship, the 15-strong terrorist group that had come to start trench wars in the center of Siirt escapes through the corridor that was opened and moves away. It is curious that this terrorist group fled the city without carrying out any action, even though the circle around them had been broken and a ground had emerged that would have allowed them to start a trench war and carry out actions in the city.
Let us also support this news analysis by Fatih Sevgili with a few interesting pieces of information. In a search carried out at Fatih Primary School, located in one of the neighborhoods under curfew at the hours when the coup attempt took place, 8 gendarmerie caps and 4 gendarmerie camouflage uniforms were found. A citizen who witnessed the PKK members coming to the neighborhood says that some of the PKK members were wearing soldiers' camouflage.
In addition to all these developments, it was requested that Police Special Operations units be sent from Ankara to Siirt on July 15 to support the military operation to be carried out in Siirt, and in line with this request many Police Special Operations personnel were sent to Siirt. Of course, the coup attempt occurred while these personnel were halfway there. Thus the human resources of the Police Special Operations Center in Gölbaşı, which was bombed and where more than 50 of our heroic police officers were martyred, were reduced by almost half.
The curiosities of course are not limited to this. According to radio conversations among PKK terrorists that were established to have taken place, a few days before the July 15 coup attempt the terrorists were given the instruction "our target is not soldiers, but police." A few days after the July 15 coup attempt, that is, after it was understood that the coup had failed, the instruction "soldiers are our target again" will arrive.
When all these details are put together, the picture that emerges is this. It is not possible to draw a distinction between the PKK and FETÖ when it comes to treason against the homeland. Indeed, these two organizations appear to be cooperating at a certain level. While giving the appearance of fighting the PKK, FETÖ in fact protected, looked after and strengthened the PKK, and at times the agenda that FETÖ wanted within Turkey and in the world was created, as it were, through actions ordered from the PKK or whose way was cleared for it. During the resolution process, and even before and after it, FETÖ, which tried to manage the processes with intrigues, never put destroying the PKK or terror among its priorities through the security forces under its control; on the contrary it always aimed to keep it alive and to manage it in line with its own interests. Within this network of relations, the silence the PKK displayed in a synchronized manner during the July 15 coup attempt and the activity it displayed immediately afterwards, as if taking over the watch again, are in themselves noteworthy..
Counter to the FETÖ that directs, another voice on how the PKK viewed the event, the following sentences of the organization's media officer Zana Azadî, completes the picture: "I have never liked Fetullah Gülen, but I find the alliance the PKK made with them to overthrow Erdoğan right and I support it."
For those who wonder about the relationship with DAEŞ of FETÖ, which turned the fight against the PKK entirely into managing and using the PKK, a US general gave an interesting clue: "Because the generals with whom we cooperate on behalf of Turkey to fight DAEŞ are currently under arrest for FETÖ membership, our fight against DAEŞ is faltering."
What should one say to that US general in light of this scene? Come on, take a lesson: might those generals whom you think you are really fighting DAEŞ with be managing and keeping DAEŞ alive just as they managed and used the PKK by keeping it alive? And might they be using you too, in the way they deceived the whole world?