In Tunisia the jasmines still smoulder and Ghannouchi still breathes

While the interesting developments we described in recent days against Houthi rule in Yemen were taking place, interesting developments in a similar direction were also unfolding in both Libya and Tunisia. That these three countries of the Arab Spring have stirred at the same time is in itself noteworthy. These can be read as signs that the counter-revolutionary processes have not been able to produce stability, and that the people's demands for a better life, freedom, justice and bread, though postponed, cannot be suppressed to the end.

The protests of recent days in Tunisia represent, beyond ordinary economic discontent or anniversary demonstrations by the opposition, a new stage of the political tension that has accumulated over the last five years. Of course one cannot speak of a popular uprising on a scale reminiscent of the Jasmine Revolution of 2011, but it is possible to say that what has happened points to a significant erosion in the regime's social legitimacy.

The symbolic meaning of the demonstrations held on 25 July is that this date coincides with the 5th anniversary of the day in 2021 when Kais Saied suspended parliament and gathered extraordinary powers in his own hands. On that day many Tunisians supported Saied's step because of the political deadlock, the economic crisis and the endless wrangling in parliament. Ennahda's wearing down during the time it was a governing partner and the state machinery's becoming unworkable had given rise to a strong expectation of change among broad segments of society. Saied's intervention therefore enjoyed considerable social legitimacy in its early years.

Today, however, that same social ground is seen to have changed significantly. When the slogans that came to the fore in the recent protests are examined carefully, the opposition's common discourse has reached the point of "The problem is not Ennahda; the problem is that the state has come to be run by one man's will." This change shows that an important psychological threshold has been crossed in Tunisian politics.

At the same time, the decisive element in the growth of the protests seems to be the economy rather than politics. Kais Saied had built his rule largely on the fight against corruption, the reestablishment of national sovereignty, and the image of a strong leader speaking in the people's name. But over the past five years the economic picture has not improved to the extent of supporting this discourse. High inflation, rising unemployment, lack of investment, troubles in public finances and the growing tendency of the young population to emigrate continually feed social discontent. The power cuts and disruptions in basic public services of recent weeks have made economic hardship a directly felt part of daily life. For this reason, the reaction rising in the street today is fed not only by demands for freedom but also by hardship in making a living.

Perhaps the most noteworthy aspect of the recent protests is that they have been able to bring together on the same ground segments of the opposition that had long stood disconnected from one another. That leftist movements, liberals, trade unions, human rights organizations, independent jurists and Islamist circles came together side by side at the same demonstrations shows that, for the first time since 2021, a social partnership of this breadth has formed. It cannot yet be said that this partnership has formed a political alternative capable of changing the government. But it cannot be denied that it has the potential to change the direction of the political atmosphere.

In this process Rached Ghannouchi's situation has also taken on a distinct importance. Today very few people in Tunisia think that Ghannouchi, because of his advancing age and illness, could return to the center of active politics. Even so, reports about his health in prison and about his family and lawyers being unable to reach him have made him one of the symbols of the debate over the rule of law, beyond political rivalry. Thus the matter has ceased to be only the future of Ennahda and has turned into a debate about political prisoners and the state of law.

AN URGENT CALL FOR RACHED AL-GHANNOUCHI

On behalf of the family, his daughter Tesnim Ghannouchi issued a statement two days ago laying out the gravity of his condition. In summary she says the following:

"In the name of God, the Most Gracious, the Most Merciful

Throughout the month of July, my father Rached al-Ghannouchi was rushed to hospital six times from the prison where he is held by the Tunisian authorities. In the last two months his health has been deteriorating continuously and rapidly. About two weeks ago, immediately after returning from hospital to prison, during a meeting with his lawyer he lost consciousness because of the extreme heat, his blood pressure rose as high as 23, and he was taken to hospital again.

During the period of his referral to hospital, the Tunisian authorities held my father in complete isolation for 11 days; they prevented his family and lawyers from visiting him and from obtaining information about his health, and concealed all his medical information. During this process my father refused to eat and to take his medication, demanding the right to visits and the recognition of his basic rights. After returning to prison his health worsened again, and he has been referred to hospital for the sixth time in this month alone.

As the family of Rached al-Ghannouchi, former Speaker of Tunisia's Assembly of the Representatives of the People, opposition leader, aged 85, we make an urgent appeal to international public opinion. We announce to the public that each time our father is referred to hospital he is subjected to complete isolation, visits are prevented, and a serious information blackout is imposed on his health condition.

Furthermore, we consider the new practice that bans detainees referred to hospital from meeting their families and lawyers for up to 21 days to be arbitrary and unlawful. The concealment of his medical file and the sidelining of independent doctors amount to serious ill-treatment that deprives my father of his most basic rights.

Before his arrest, my father, despite Parkinson's disease, was leading an active life thanks to a healthy lifestyle and regular exercise. After his arrest, severe blood pressure crises and serious health problems that he had not experienced before have emerged. We harbor serious concerns about the correctness of the treatment applied in prison and of the medication given. For this reason we demand access to the entire medical file and his examination by independent doctors.

The practices of the Tunisian authorities are also contrary to international law. In its Opinion No. 63/2025, the UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention found Ghannouchi's detention arbitrary and unlawful and called for his immediate release. The African Court on Human and Peoples' Rights has also issued a binding provisional measures order that he be allowed to meet with his family and lawyers, be examined by independent doctors, and have his basic rights guaranteed. Despite this, the Tunisian authorities are not implementing these decisions and are continuing the isolation practices.

For this reason we demand of the Tunisian authorities: that they fully implement the international decisions, immediately end the isolation in the hospital, allow his family and lawyers to visit him freely, share his medical file transparently, allow examination by independent doctors, and release Ghannouchi immediately and unconditionally.

The arbitrary imprisonment of an 85-year-old politician for more than three years amounts to a death sentence spread out over time. The Tunisian authorities are fully responsible, legally, criminally and morally, for Ghannouchi's health, safety and life.

We call upon human rights organizations, the international media and world public opinion to act urgently to protect his life before it is too late."