Sisi is a serious security problem for Egypt

The demonstrations that began in Egypt last Friday night after a match show that the bells have begun to toll for Trump's favorite dictator. The demonstrations, which since the day they began have continued growing a little more each day, have by now brought together again the composition of society that carried out the 25 January 2011 Revolution. From the liberal to the Islamist, from the socialist to the most apolitical youth currents, from the worker to the civil servant, and now even to the soldier, Sisi's departure has become a point on which everyone is allied.

The video broadcasts and calls from Spain by Muhammed Ali, an army contractor who is also a film actor, are in fact serving as a spark igniting a great grudge that had been accumulating for quite some time. Otherwise, opposition to Sisi in Egypt had increasingly turned into a social consensus, but the high and thick walls of fear that had been built up for years had left no space for people's opposition.

Egypt has become a country where whoever even thinks of opposition promptly lands in prison or is forced to flee the country. Those who ran as presidential candidates in the elections, those who thought of becoming presidential candidates, or even those whose names were in some way mentioned as possible presidential candidates were immediately arrested and put in prison. Quite a few of those who fall into this category in the last elections are still in custody. For example, one is former Chief of the General Staff Sami Annan. If Annan, who has great esteem within the army, had managed to become a presidential candidate, he was regarded as certain to win. Now it has come to light that Annan's supporters within the army are also supporting the popular movement against Sisi.

Sisi carried out the coup against Muhammed Morsi, and at first his target was the Ikhwan, but over time, because he saw all segments of society as potential threats to himself, he increased his enemies as well, to the point that almost no one is left at his side, even among those who supported him in the coup. The extremely irrational style of Sisi's administration, and his spoiled attitude that disregards all the state practices of the country as well as its interests, has a great effect on this.

His style of administration, which in no way befits the dignity of a statesman, has begun to make him increasingly a major security problem for his own state. In international relations he has entered paths that mortgage Egypt's future with decisions he takes alone. In these relations, instead of looking after Egypt's interests, Sisi, who aims entirely at securing his own personal power, has not shrunk, when necessary, from handing Egypt's interests over to Israel and the UAE. This situation has begun to be perceived as a serious problem by Egyptian statesmen who look after the country's benefit.

Under Sisi's rule Egypt has moved far from having the weight it deserves on today's stage of international relations, and has suffered a great loss of image because of grave human rights violations and President Sisi's frivolous conduct.

Sisi, who can produce a "lovable dictator" perception toward the international actors to whom he feels indebted for his existence, is extremely despotic and disrespectful toward his own people. Even his typical manner of address at all the meetings he attends reflects the body language of this disrespect very well. Sisi, who generally sits at the front in crowded hall meetings, instead of going up to the podium and addressing the guests making face and eye contact, addresses the audience from where he sits, with a microphone in his hand, without turning his face to them, thereby humiliating them.

Moreover, the whole content of these speeches is every time so frivolous and shabby as to become an object of ridicule. His last speech, which triggered the protests with his answer to Muhammed Ali's criticisms, was also like this. The shamelessness he displayed while making the confession, with excessive self-confidence, "I did it and I will keep doing it. Are palaces only for Muhammed Ali?", together with this manner of sitting and addressing, thoroughly enraged the people. Sisi, who thinks he has entirely put aside accountability to the people, with the effect of this too, showed by this gesture that his arrogance and disdain had reached their peak.

Of course, it is not possible for a country to carry such arrogance to the end. Above all, it cannot be possible for this style of administration, which has very heavy costs for Egypt, to continue like this to the end. Today, deliverance from Sisi is not only a problem of the oppressed Egyptians whom Sisi has primarily victimized. It has increasingly become the problem of all segments of Egyptian society who desire a better administration of the country and want to bring the country to the level it deserves.

For Sisi, as he is, has become a serious burden and a security problem for Egypt.