"Yes" will strengthen Turkey's unity and well-being

Tomorrow is an important day of decision for Turkey, on which the people of Turkey will have their final say. In an intense and harsh campaign process, we have witnessed the "no" front in particular conducting its propaganda largely through perception hit-and-runs that have no counterpart other than being frequently repeated. Rote slogans such as "one man," "dictatorship," "gathering all powers in one person," "the powers of the parliament will be reduced," "the president will determine all of legislature, executive and judiciary," "they will make their own children members of parliament to save them from military service," each of which you would not know where to begin to correct.

In fact, the big problem is that the CHP in particular has evidently built its whole imagination on a scenario in which, in the system to be voted on, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan or an AK Parti president will constantly remain at the head of the system and will even win an absolute majority of the votes in the very first round at every election.

Having built it that way, it can find no place for itself in this system and presumes in advance that an AK Parti President will remain in power with the same strength forever.

Yet in this amendment it is not inevitable that an AK Parti presidential candidate will always be elected in the first round.

Indeed, the strongly probable scenario is that a presidential candidate other than Erdoğan will be elected only in the second round.

In this case a situation arises in which there is no room for any of the concerns voiced about the separation of powers,

which Kılıçdaroğlu, after making his well-known blunder, had expressed in an extremely pithy (!) way in the statement he made to explain himself. On the other hand, in fact the real big solution to this matter, and what is bound to happen sooner or later, is for the CHP too to approach the people, establish a real dialogue with the people, make peace with the people, and aspire to fifty percent at the level of the people.

One of the perception operations is the claim, thrown out like a magpie in just the last days, that the constitutional amendment package gives the president the power to

"establish provinces (eyalet)."

Deniz Baykal said this and insisted on it. Everyone naturally set about searching for which sentence, expression or word of the package implied such a thing, and from what distance, far or near.

Of course no one found it, and he himself could not show it when asked, because there is no such thing.

It is said that when a madman throws a stone into a well, forty wise men cannot get it out. If a wise man playing the madman is throwing this stone, then of course one must look for something else behind it.

Just as the last lane was entered, it was understood what this aimed at, what kind of fire of fitna it was trying to light.

The intention to create discord among the circles who say "yes" for the country's stability, security and the survival of the state and the nation emerged plainly, in its folly.

It has been voiced many times before:

Turkey's regime problem was resolved in 1923.

The members of the Gazi Assembly, who saved a homeland for us from the abyss of the First World War, decided on 29 October 1923 what Turkey's regime is. It is certain that there is a social consensus on this.

For the AK Parti, which has risen on this social consensus, to step outside this consensus and act contrary to it is an absurdity

and therefore falls within the specialist field not of sociology or political science but of mental illnesses.

There is nowhere in this constitutional amendment any hint of, or passage to, the slightest provision that threatens or puts at risk the unitary state.

On the contrary, the gathering of the executive in one hand, as a requirement of the Turkish-type Presidency, aims not at dividing but at uniting. It is precisely for this reason that with this referendum the PKK has completely lost its last remaining desires, hopes and expectations. For this reason too

the PKK is conducting a fierce and desperate "no" campaign, and sees "yes" as its own end and catastrophe.

The "Yes" that comes out of the ballot box on 16 April will be the most effective blow struck against separatist-imperialist desires and the clearest decision for Turkey's unity and well-being.

This being so, why this propaganda, this falsification, this disinformation?

Perhaps mentioning a few of the dozens of similar publications in the last week alone will reveal the real aim.

A magazine called

The Economist

came out before its readers with the headline "Turkey slides into dictatorship."

At about the same time Henri Barkey, writing in a newspaper in the US, published an article claiming that Turkey could never be the same Turkey after this vote.

According to Barkey, whatever happened in Venezuela after a "yes" in the referendum would happen in Turkey too.

That the language that equates Venezuela, with a state history of 100-150 years, with Turkey, which rises on the political and social capital of a state as great as the stars in the Presidential standard, and the language of the leader of the main opposition party resemble each other so much cannot be explained by coincidence.

With the constitutional amendment to be voted on in the 16 April referendum, the system of government will change and the unitary structure will be strengthened.

We believe that, as a result of a festival of democracy, decision-making processes will have become more effective, stability will have been ensured, and the extra-political interventions of circles that aim to create chaos out of the slightest social or political event

will become a thing of the past. As will the self-styled miracle-working "researchers (!)" in the service of imperialism who make analyses of Turkey in ignorance of history, and the politicians who use the same language as they do.