Turkey spoiled the game in Syria, the brotherhood of the terror organizations was exposed

Turkey's intervention in DAİŞ-controlled Jarablus on its border may have been late, but it is an extremely necessary step taken toward securing its own border security. Turkey is now a country besieged on all sides, from within and from without, by terrorist organizations. Turkey's enemies, without ever appearing themselves, speak to Turkey through these terrorist organizations, and try to influence Turkey's politics through these organizations. One terrorist organization takes over the watch from another without leaving a gap, and thus our country has been subjected for years to uninterrupted waves of terror. On top of the PKK, DHKP-C, TİKKO and MLKP, we are now struggling with DAİŞ and FETÖ as well.

The whole troop is coming at once, as if heeding President Erdoğan's call of "come, all of you at once."

As they come, the differences between them disappear.

The timing and rhythm of their actions also show that there is a serious division of labor among them, run from a single center.

When we say this, a superficiality is attributed to our analytical ability by our know-it-all intellectuals, whose miracles are self-proclaimed. "How can you fail to distinguish?" they burst out. If they want it so much, dear me, we will distinguish. But we will distinguish in order to take one and strike it against the other. Not in order to see one as lesser or more legitimate than the other.

The case: a reaction comes from the PYD-PKK ranks to the operation Turkey has undertaken, targeting DAİŞ, to clear Jarablus of DAİŞ. Salih Muslim, the head of the PYD terrorist organization, upon this step let out a desperate cry: "Syria will be a quagmire for Turkey."

What is this love of DAİŞ in the PYD, what is this agony felt at DAİŞ being targeted? What kind of relationship is there between DAİŞ and the PYD that it suddenly makes Salih Muslim shield with his chest DAİŞ's defensive depth, the artillery shots that target DAİŞ?

Frankly, the relationship between the PYD and DAİŞ is clear enough within the scenario implemented step by step by those who wrote roles for both. In that role, DAİŞ will flee and the PYD will hold.

We all watched together how DAİŞ withdrew from Manbij, and earlier from Tal Abyad. First the picture of "the big, terrifying, murderous, vile DAİŞ" will be drawn; then the PYD, advancing with coalition support, will come and become a hero by saving people and cities from DAİŞ.

Meanwhile the real massacres, the real ethnic cleansings will be carried out through the PYD against the non-PYD Kurds, Arabs and Turkmens of the region.

Once the PYD bandits have been introduced as the heroes who saved people from the DAİŞ monster, there will in any case be no one left to raise a voice against them. With this game being played, in many places where the PYD has no sociological presence whatsoever, they are being handed over only by means of the heavy weapons and air support that the US delivers to it, by bullying and terror.

Before Turkey's Jarablus operation began, the same game was about to be staged with the same actors, and DAİŞ was already getting ready to leave and vacate the field for the PYD. That is why Salih Muslim cried out.

Turkey had openly watered down the stew that he had been cooking for years with DAİŞ and the coalition forces, and had upset the whole applecart (spoiled a sack of figs).

How nicely DAİŞ and the PYD were getting along. They were, in any case, lulling Turkey to sleep through the FETÖ members inside the TSK. Now that the applecart has been upset, Turkey is entering Jarablus, which DAİŞ had been preparing for the PYD for two years, and it is not content with that; now it also wants Manbij and Tal Abyad, and declares that it will not tolerate an ethnic PYD state on the border either.

What comes after that is for them to think about. It is evident that July 15 was also part of all the calculations. Had the coup achieved its aim, the PYD corridor in Northern Syria would already have been completed under the supervision of the FETÖ generals they were working with, and in the long term Turkey's 970 km border would have been not with Syria but with the PYD terror state.

HOW FAR WILL THE US'S SUPPORT FOR TERROR GO?

It is quite clear that the obtuseness the US is displaying in supporting the PYD, the Syrian branch of the PKK terrorist organization, is in no way compatible with the law of alliance.

When considered together with the support it gives to Gülen, a strange situation emerges in which wherever there is terrorist activity or an organization against Turkey, the US supports it. Frankly, Turkey's real problem with the US at present is not only the matter of Gülen's extradition. Gülen is not in the US only as an individual. With his whole organizational structure, his boards and his personnel, he is able to find opportunity to operate at the highest level in the US. In this state, the militants, associations and lobby organizations tied to him are able to operate in a way that can influence even American politics.

We can ask here, ironically, why America withholds the same tolerance and support from al-Qaeda or the organization DAİŞ

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Yet, as a mistake against Turkey, a policy of the US that is no less important than the support it has given to Gülen is the support it insists on giving to the PYD.

There is no limit to the human or weapons support that the PYD passes, from the Turkish border that it controls with US support, to the PKK branch in Turkey.

Turkey pays the whole bill every day, through the terrorist attacks it is exposed to, for the US, which officially recognizes the PKK as a terrorist organization, having removed the PYD from the terror list simply because it fights DAİŞ.

The ally the US has chosen to fight DAİŞ attempts every day, by carrying out terrorist attacks in Turkey, on the lives of innocent people.

What suffers in the process is also the credibility of the US. Because of these actions, trust in the US in Turkey is running at probably the lowest levels in its history.

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However much the US may wave the flag of fighting terror, the perception in the eyes of the Turkish people that it is the greatest supporter and cause of both the coup and terror is growing ever stronger.

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Meanwhile, some know-it-alls have characterized our statements about equating DAİŞ and the PKK as an effort to whitewash DAİŞ. From what chain of logic they can draw such a conclusion is not something that can be understood. How we look at the PKK terrorist organization, to which we ascribe no human value whatsoever, is plain. It is impossible to understand how saying that the two compete with each other in evil can be seen as whitewashing one of them.

Probably for such people the PKK is not that bad, indeed it is a squeaky-clean movement, and it is hard for them to accept DAİŞ, as the sole symbol of evil, being mentioned alongside it. Since it is not possible to think like them without being like them, let their logic and their sympathies be theirs.