The spirit of the age now asks everyone in Syria to keep their feet in step

We had said, back at the Aleppo stage of the revolution that toppled the 61-year-old Baath and 54-year-old Assad family dictatorship in Syria, that Aleppo would be opening the door to a solution in Syria. To tell the truth, at that stage we could not have predicted that the Aleppo door could open, at such great speed, toward a solution in all of Syria that no one could have imagined. In fact, whatever anyone may say at the end of the event, no one was predicting it. When the operation set out at the start with the aim of "resisting an aggression," the liberation of Aleppo had begun to appear on the horizon. Even that, at that stage, offered important possibilities for alleviating a significant part of the problems from which Turkey and the entire Syrian people had suffered for years. But in a short time the fire of freedom began to burn throughout Syria, and the Baath regime began to crumble away piece by piece.

Looking at the result reached at this stage of events, claiming that the point arrived at is the work of an agreement reached among the great actors has been presented as though it were the most ordinary form of political analysis. Yet this ordinary form of political analysis harbors within itself very serious diseases (I am not saying logical errors or gaps in information, I am saying outright diseases).

Let us first dispose of the information-gap part, if you like. The claim that Russia and Iran abandoned this Assad and, because of certain disputes this time, did not give him their former support is an empty boast uttered merely by looking at the outcome. If Russia had one more bomb to spend, it would have been in a position to expend it in Ukraine. In the middle of a far more vital war for itself, it could not have diverted its aircraft to Syria in the name of vainly reviving a corpse that was rapidly collapsing; that much is clear. Russia did not give up on the murderer Assad until the last minute; indeed, it did not refrain from using its currently limited resources in the region in favor of the Assad regime until the last minute.

As for Iran, when the operation began it tried to mobilize all its forces toward Syria, from Iraq, from Iran and even from Lebanon. But events developed so quickly that every position gained made it still harder for the units that were to arrive to cope with the revolutionaries. Over that distance, getting the units it wanted to the points it wanted was not so easy. Therefore, like Russia, Iran did not abandon Assad and his regime; they too shared in Assad's defeat. Just as they shared in all his crimes, his crimes against humanity, up to now.

As for the US. One can understand from the panic it has been in afterwards, and still is, how unprepared it was caught by the emerging picture. All the work in the control zones it had created by arming and organizing the JPG/PYD elements had no problem with the Assad regime. Within the scramble to protect the comfort that was disrupted along with the Assad regime, it at first expressed a sensitivity in the face of the Syrian revolutionaries' entry into Manbij. But the Syrian people, who had set into motion, were in no state to hear this demand of the US. With the entry into Manbij, the order the US had established began to break down too. After that, in Deir ez-Zor, a popular uprising similar to what had earlier taken place in Daraa began against the administration supported by the US, and that place too was cleansed of the occupiers.

Today the door that opened in Aleppo has, wave after wave, established a new atmosphere throughout all of Syria. The storms created by this atmosphere are making every external element alien to Syria, every one that has made Syria suffer over the last 13 years, vomit. The order that the US, after west of the Euphrates, has tried to impose on Syrian soil, which has no sociological correspondence whatsoever, is being rejected by the very people of that soil. From this hour on, the US presence here under the pretext of DAESH, or under this or that pretext, will have no ground or justification that works. One reason it has somehow been working until now was its mutually harmonious work with the Assad regime and Iran, and the fragmented state of Syria.

At a time when all the images coming out of the Sednaya dungeon will be slammed in its face with "while all these crimes against humanity were being committed, you were here too," there will be no environment in which the US can use the DAESH pretext as it did before. Nor will it have any value it can promise the Kurds in Syria. Because in a composite Syria that has secured its territorial integrity, the Kurds too will have rights and freedoms they have never had before. It was Turkey that earlier defended, against Assad, the rights of the Kurds, who had been subjected to a kind of Apartheid under the Baath regime. In a liberated Syria the Kurds will not receive fewer or more rights than they deserve. The role that the US cut out for the Kurds in the meantime under the DAESH pretext is not a role that will liberate the Kurds, and it drags them into a deadly adventure in the eyes of the peoples of the region. Indeed, giving JPG a governing role in Manbij, Deir ez-Zor or Raqqa, whose populations are almost entirely Arab, is not a favor to the Kurds but a great evil and harm.

At the very hours when US Secretary of State Anthony Blinken came to Ankara, in his anxiety to gather up the rug that had been pulled from under his feet with the fall of Assad in Syria, the people in Raqqa had already begun to rise against the order they had been made to set up and to expel the JPG elements who had a forced presence there.

All of these are the natural consequences of the climate that the Revolution has brought out in a sunlike brightness. The spirit of the age now asks everyone to plant their feet otherwise. Thus Aleppo did not merely open the door to all of Syria; from there Syria set out toward changing all the balances. Today, within these balances, Turkey is key, strong and decisive in the equation as never before in its history.

Let those who cannot stomach this scene go on opening their ill-omened mouths with their so-called realistic analyses. By presenting the most pessimistic possibilities about the future as though they were real, they try to make those who made the revolution regret what they did, and those who rejoiced at the revolution regret their joy. Yet the possibilities about the future are limitless, and the possibilities about the future cannot be far from the fact that the revolutionary forces today are parasangs further ahead than before.

Of course this revolution will not be without enemies, without opponents, without sedition, without difficulties and without problems. But should one repent of having set out on the road of revolution by looking at these difficulties, hardships or possible dangers? Is this what is wanted?

That Israel will try to strangle this revolution is evident from the vile, treacherous attacks it has carried out since the very first minute. At least these evil attacks have had the benefit of demolishing the superstition of those who try to cast a shadow on the soundness of the revolution, the superstition that the revolution would serve Israel's interests and weaken the so-called "resistance front."

That Israel, having already drawn the anger of the entire world upon itself because of Gaza, has been willing to risk this aggression against Syria too is enough to show how much this revolution worries it. As for those who expect it to occupy Syria, let them explain how, after the quagmire it has sunk into in Gaza and Lebanon, it will find the strength and stamina for this, so that we too may see.