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Palestine and IsraelYeni Şafak

To be on the right side against Zionist banditry: the day is that day.

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Rote formulas, slogans, clichés, constantly repeated words are the greatest obstacle to politics. Words formed and repeated about other actors not only prevent understanding but, after a while, also become the greatest obstacle before those who think it a feat to carry on by clinging to those slogans and clichés. In this case politics wholly loses its capacity to solve problems that develop in keeping with the flow of the situation, and begins to take on a dangerous form that serves slogans, fetishizes them and worships them.

Politics is reduced not to serving the people but to worshiping certain slogans, cults, fetish concepts and objects. These fetishes divide people more and more, sever them more and more, make them enemies, and at the end of the day people are not even aware that they have been fighting for nothing.

Politics for human beings, aware of this, puts understanding to the fore, breaks rote formulas, and opens a place where one can move in the clogged political field for everyone.

Devlet Bahçeli's initiative at the group meeting in the TBMM, saying "If the isolation of the terrorist chief is lifted, let him come and speak at the DEM Party's group meeting in the TBMM," overturned all the rote formulas, repetitions and clichés that have long been on everyone's lips, sealed upon hearts, and a complete blockade for politics. But rather than demolishing perhaps just one cliché, it made us live again: the manner of reaction (tarz-ı infial) of those quarters his initiative touched.

One strength of Bahçeli's call lay in its being entirely unexpected from him, but another strength is that his call corresponds to a serious political blockage, or a need for political action, that has actually formed. The breaking of rote formulas that have posed a serious obstacle before politics is sometimes everyone's expectation, but no one dares to do it. Those who need this are those who, despite everything, are obliged to live together, to reach an understanding, to exist as organs in one political body, and who aspire to this.

Of course, one should not get hung up on the content of the invitation, on whether Apo would or would not speak in the TBMM. The reaction shown to such a proposal is of course very justified, but one cannot doubt that, one way or another, there is a necessity in Turkey of closing ranks again and ensuring the integrity and health of the political body. Indeed, the reaction to this call, the cliché reaction shown against every attempt at politicization, came not from within the body but from outside it.

The TUSAŞ attack came precisely from the PKK that Bahçeli proposed to sideline, and of course from its owners. In this way the PKK once again showed its foreignness to the body composed of Turks, Kurds, Arabs, fused with one another within this geography and existing in an organic bodily integrity with one another.

The distances between Turkey and the Kurds in particular constitute the environments on which the PKK feeds, and all initiatives that tried to close these distances have always, historically, been sabotaged by the well-known centers. Every mortal who took up this subject in the past suffered every kind of misfortune. According to the picture that has become fully clear over time, the configuration cut out for Turkey by the US in the name of the Zionist vision is that Turks and Kurds be separate. The PKK is an apparatus that ensures this separation and constantly feeds it, but for the PKK to be fed, a fetishist nationalism that has no national vision, no interest and no reflex against it is needed. A nationalism that appears to be against the PKK but in fact gives the PKK all the power and nourishment it needs with its own words and actions. An ignorant and rhetorical racism that knows neither the Turk nor the Kurd, neither itself nor the other, neither its Lord nor its own self.

Whatever the TUSAŞ attack aimed at, it has had an effect that further increases the strength and aptness of Bahçeli's call.

Cemil Bayık's words from Kandil, which can be translated as "he will not set the Kurdish people free," like a Pharaoh, have also been included in this strength and effect. A Moses has now set out against those who for a century have enslaved the Kurds to themselves by trickery and intrigue. The liberation of the Kurds from the hands of Zionist imperialism is destined.

Without getting hung up on the DEM Party's and Selahattin Demirtaş's having made this or that mistake in the past, their answer to this call is quite hopeful for this new page that has been opened. Saving DEM from the PKK's domination first of all returns DEM and the Kurdish movement to their own spiritual roots.

As for the PKK, the possibility that it will fall off the collar of the Kurdish people, whom it has so far exploited as the legionnaire organization of the US and Israel, both in terms of human resources and materially and rhetorically, has grown stronger through this. That the answer to Bahçeli's initiative was given by the PKK in the form of sabotage against Turkey's defense industry also shows the harmony between the addresser and the addressee. In this harmony the PKK shows whose spokesman and legionnaire it is. Does this legionnaire organization's creating such a strong blockade on our politics show the power of those facing us or our lack of politics?

CHP Chairman Özgür Özel's proposal in this process, resorting to gambling jargon, of "raising the stakes" by "offering the Kurds the Turkish state," in terms of style and context, meant nothing other than diluting this positive initiative. Nor is he saying anything new. This is what Erdoğan and the AK Party have said to the Kurds from the start. Even the most radical Kurdish nationalists need not seek a state for themselves. The state of the Republic of Turkey is the state of the Kurds as well, as much as of the Turks.

In essence, in this context there is no distinction of Turk-Kurd-Arab-Circassian either. Kurds in Turkey have never been second-class citizens as they have been in Iraq, Iran or Syria. The targets of the practices of the periods when their language and identity were ignored were not only the Kurds. Whatever they lived through, they lived through within a politics in which all diversity in Turkey was ignored in the name of building a nation-state. Within this politics the Turks too were subjected in the same way to a homogenization program. But that is another subject; we have talked about it a lot before and will talk about it again later.

At the point we have now reached, we feel the need to talk about new things, to say new things. We must remove the US, Israel and their apparatus the PKK from between us and recover our own bodily integrity and harmony; we must close ranks and take the right side of history against the humanity-hostile Zionist banditry. The day is that day.