Revolution thieves in Sudan and Libya

Sudan and Libya are the scene of very interesting events these days. The events can be summed up as attempts to steal the revolutions that peoples have undertaken through organized schemes.

When demonstrations that began in December in Sudan in protest at the rise in bread prices were making people speak of a wave of an Arab Spring in Sudan, I had said in a piece I wrote that the developments gave the impression of a new swindle rather than a spring.

It seemed that, in the present situation, it would be very difficult for the Sudanese people to protect a revolution in Sudan against the revolution thieves. On the contrary, despite all its negative features, dragging Sudan under Omar Bashir's rule into this process carried the danger of creating a serious stability problem across the whole of Africa.

Omar al-Bashir's 30-year rule, which deserves all criticisms, is full of every kind of failure, civil war, coups, suspension of the constitution and examples of corruption. For that reason nothing could be more justified than the demand of the peoples, who have no consent left for this administration, that it go and be replaced by a system that will come to office with high participation, transparent, honest, accountable governance.

The popular movement in Sudan has so far covered, with great insistence, a significant distance in the cause of the will it has put forward. But it has not yet made a revolution; what it has been able to do so far is only to replace one military rule with another military rule. Of course the people who have risen to their feet do not accept an uncompleted revolution being cooled down by a military coup. That is why the squares fill with even larger crowds than on the first day, and they demand that their demands be fulfilled at the level of a Revolution.

But at this stage of things the well-known regional and global revolution thieves, or revolution killers, are not idle either. They are putting forth all their efforts to strangle the revolution before it is born, or to steal it.

Intense pressure from the well-known Gulf countries began from the first day on the ten-member high military council that came to power in Sudan. With intense lobbying activity based on the BAE-SA-Egypt axis, an attempt is being made to chart a route for the members of the military council. On this route, by heeding Egypt's experience and advice, there is, if necessary, opening fire at random on the masses that have filled the squares and massacring a few thousand people. Thus, as in Egypt, people will have to go meekly back to their homes, and the as yet unborn Revolution of the Sudanese people will have been usurped.

The Sudanese people, of course, are in a state of great awareness and sensitivity against the BAE-SA-Egypt and other ABD and European countries stealing their revolution. They show their reaction in the field against every attempt at interference. But what precaution will they take against their revolution being stolen by violence, by force? Will the military council that removed Omar Bashir in the name of responding to their demands listen to them, or will they do what the ruthless revolution killers, now circling over their Revolution like vultures, want?

Undoubtedly, if they follow the offers the revolution killers will make, what awaits Sudan from now on will be nothing other than an oppression and despotism very hard to make good, and a poverty and want whose price only the Sudanese people will pay.

What these Revolution thieves/killers did in Egypt and Yemen is like a guarantee or harbinger of what they will do in Libya through Hafter. The man called Hafter has no standing at all among the Libyan people. While a national dialogue process that was going reasonably well was under way in Libya, right after the coup in Egypt, with the armed force capabilities provided to him by the same revolution thieves, he declared that he had seized the government in Libya.

The only thing that enabled him to make this declaration was nothing other than the weapons and air power put into his hands. The international community recognized the National Accord Government in Tripoli as the representative of the Libyan people, and still recognizes it. Nevertheless, because of the lawless, rule-ignoring attitude of Hafter, who has secured control by his armed force over a part of Libya that it could not control at the level of the people on the ground, Libya was de facto divided. A while ago he moved to end this division not in favor of legitimacy but in favor of his own tyranny. He set out to occupy Tripoli. On this road he is not seeking any dialogue with the Tripoli government and the representatives of the people; with weapon in hand he is trying to take the whole Libyan people captive.

There is no good governance, stability, fair sharing, democracy or representation either that he promises the Libyan people. All he wants is to occupy the whole of Libya, and for this, because of the war crimes he has committed through attacks on civilians, which have caused the deaths of hundreds of people, the wounding of thousands and tens of thousands to leave their homes and homelands, he has been complained about to the International Criminal Court, and BM announced that this move of his is an unacceptable war crime.

But this war criminal is not alone in this crime. Those who openly incite and support him are not only the Gulf countries but also the so-called democratic world. ABD and France, with only his armed force as justification, have no objection at all to his taking captive the civilians of a free people at the price of killing them.

Those who dare to give Turkey lessons in humanity over an incident in 1915 shamelessly support today the ambition of a dictator who, merely for a bit more oil, knowingly commits massacres, sets out to kill a people and to take the rest captive. As a matter of shame this event is more than enough for today's Western world.