How will the theatre in Syria end?

Human memory is afflicted with forgetfulness. But in our age things move so fast that we forget even the events of the day before. And if there is also a systematic propaganda campaign, we are made to forget. The causal chain of even the events we are living in snaps in our minds within a short time.

What was on the agenda of the US, which is now bearing down on Syria with an international coalition in the name of fighting DAEŞ, 5 years ago on Syria's behalf?

Who was trying to persuade Assad in Syria not to shed blood, and who was exposed to the pressure of the US and European countries in the meantime?

How many civilians' lives have the regime's savage attacks in Syria cost?

Where did DAEŞ spring from and how many lives has it cost so far?

How many DAEŞ members has Russia, which came to Syria in the name of fighting DAEŞ, killed, and how many members of the Free Syrian Army, an enemy of DAEŞ, has it killed?

We can ask the same question about the US too.

When we see all these figures gathered together, our memory is merely refreshed. Because everything is happening before our eyes, but unfortunately the plain contradictions within the event do not appear so clear unless we look from such a view. Because there is an incredible zeal for shadowing and suppressing the facts.

The book by Abdülkadir Şen that we mentioned in our last piece, titled Tüm Yönleriyle Suriye Devrimi (The Syrian Revolution in All Its Aspects), lays out all these events that took place in Syria over 5 years in their chronological and causal chain.

According to the information given in this book, Russia has 4 thousand soldiers in Syria. 3 Buyan M type corvettes, 1 Gepard type frigate, 1 Vishna type reconnaissance ship, 1 advanced Kilo type submarine, etc.

There is also a chronology of the entry of the Shiite militia groups supporting the regime into the civil war in Syria. According to it, the Baath Brigade and the Abu al-Fadl al-Abbas Brigades joined the civil war in Syria in 2011; the Zulfiqar Brigades, Asa'ib Ahl al-Haq and the Sayyida al-Shuhada Brigade in 2012; the Ammar ibn Yasir Brigade and the Harakat al-Nujaba Brigade in 2013; the Khorasan Cavalry Unit in 2014; and the Hasan al-Mujtaba Brigade in 2015.

In addition to these groups, there are also Shiite militia groups operating alongside the regime in Syria. These are groups such as the Badr Brigades, the Revolutionary Guards, Lebanese Hezbollah, the Mahdi Army and Iraqi Hezbollah.

The information about the Shiite groups is interesting.

The most striking is that the Shiite leader Ayatollah Sistani issued a fatwa during the US occupation of Iraq that fighting the US army was haram in return for a 200 Million Dollar bribe. Sistani has now taken a position alongside the regime in Syria. Şen also shares the claims that there has been some blackmail against Sistani from the Iranian administration, and he has left us alone with the contradiction of those who issued the fatwa "fighting against the US army is haram" being alongside the Syrian regime while presenting it as "a struggle against global imperialism."

The 3rd chapter of the book, titled "The Syrian Opposition," contains a detailed account of the civil and armed groups resisting the regime in Syria. This chapter, in which the official web pages and social media account details of civil-political formations and armed resistance groups are also shared, presents another photograph of Syria. Each group's ideological commitments, aims, military strengths, strategies used to reach the aim, financial sources, areas in which they are effective in a sociological or political sense, relations developed with society, important actions carried out during the Syrian civil war and relations with other opposition groups are treated in detail.

From this whole picture you also see more clearly whom those who stopped the aid Turkey sent to the Bayırbucak Turkmens and presented it to the world as "support for DAEŞ" are serving, and how.

Undoubtedly, this picture also shows how deep the Syrian crisis has become and how much harder a solution becomes with every passing day.

And that US foreign policy (or lack of one) has been very influential in the emergence of this situation...

It is often assessed that the strategic power vacuum created by the US withdrawal of its military presence from Iraq was filled by Iran. The US following such an ambivalent policy on Syria too, its failure to mobilize the international community over the tragedy in Syria, seems to have created opportunities for Russia to destroy the US regional position.

But nowadays we understand that the US in fact deliberately placed itself in this position.

It is an assessment that stands out these days that the US itself has no complaint about looking so weak, even bad. Because from this one reads that it is a policy of the US that a manageable chaos, a fire in the Middle East, far from the US, that does not touch the US or Israel, should have a wearing, eroding effect on both the EU and all the countries of the region.

Indeed, the fact that Russia, despite its terrifying military power, has not been able to bring the Syrian opponents to heel shows that Russia too has hit a hard wall in Syria.

It is observed that, just when the opponents had reached the stage of toppling the regime, the military forces of Lebanese Hezbollah and Iran that intervened in the war have begun to struggle logistically with each passing day.

The deterrence of the Shabbiha, which also have mafia-like extensions and which come into play at this point, has now vanished. The Syrian opposition is growing stronger on the ground with each passing day. But the strengthening of the opposition cannot be treated alone as a datum that will solve the problem, because when the opposition grows strong enough to topple Assad, the way is opened by the US itself for Russia, if not, for DAEŞ, and if not that, for the PYD.

How? To understand, we will have to leave you with Şen's book..