Documents on Gülen's past and the prosecutor's murder

The documents that began to be published in Yeni Şafak on Monday, shedding light on Fethullah Gülen's past, had, as could be expected, an agenda-setting effect on the first day. The documents could not be ignored or brushed aside, and they reveal what kind of network of relations Gülen was in from the early sixties onward. In fact, the documents also explain how coherent a story this is with the past of the movement whose final scene we saw on December 17-25. Perhaps for people who were greatly astonished by the movement's recent actions, these documents complete the story and reveal the link that was missed at the start.

On the other hand, for those who have followed the movement closely, the documentation of these relations merely amounts to announcing what was already known. Looking from today at where Gülen and his movement have positioned themselves against Turkey, an additional Masonic relationship or connection does not make the evil of what he has done appear any greater than it is.

On the other hand, in a sense the documents do not say anything new about the relations between Gülen and the former CHP Secretary General Kasım Gülek; they merely document the nature of the relationship. Otherwise the relationship between the two goes back to the early sixties. Once you know Kasım Gülek a little, once you focus a little on the Associations for Combating Communism, their activities and relations, you see this relationship at once without needing any document.

Indeed, even earlier, without having these documents in hand, in my book published under the title "Neye Himmet Neye Hizmet: Herşey Hizmet İçin," I had noted that these relations were a network of key relations that could be consulted to decipher Gülen's entire world of meaning. Moreover, the long interview he himself gave to Latif Erdoğan, published as a book under the title Küçük Dünyam, gave more than enough clues to all of these relations.

Furthermore, a section in my book that draws attention to the same relations had earlier appeared in my doctoral thesis, which I completed at METU in 1997. And an article of mine in the same book touching on the same relations was presented as a paper at a conference on Gülen held at Georgetown University in the US in 2001 and later included in a book edited by Hakan Yavuz and John Esposito (2003).

The relations between Gülen and Masonic structures could, even without documents, have been easily traced and understood through his attitudes toward Israel, that is, the Zionists, and toward Crusader Christians. So in fact the relations between Gülen and all these structures were never a secret hidden even by himself, but it was the first time that documents revealing the nature of the relations in this way were published.

The attempts of the Parallel Structure media to deny the documents produced nothing more than shouting that the documents are fake. Nor could they have. First of all, the documents are not in their hands; how can they reach this verdict without carrying out an examination that would decide they are fake? Even this hasty reaction betrays a panic. Second, the documents are, as far as can be understood, serial and mutually supporting, that is, of a kind reaching a degree of mutawatir. Shouting "fake" without examining the documents and without even waiting for the continuation is not enough to refute them.

"KILLED WHILE BRINGING BREAD HOME..."

Truly, in any case these documents are important enough to carry the debates about Gülen and the Parallel Structure into a new phase. The attack carried out by the DHKP-C on the day after all these documents were published, in which a prosecutor of ours was savagely murdered, suddenly changed the whole agenda and knocked the documents in question off it.

The terrorists, who used Berkin Elvan's death and the failure to find his killers as a pretext, choosing as their victim the Prosecutor who had made the most noteworthy progress so far in the Berkin case, has, whichever way you look at it, opened a new file of questions.

In these few days we saw a media that regarded, and tried to present, the case of Berkin Elvan as a justified excuse or motivation for a wave of terror. We witnessed excuses being produced, by considerable names stationed in the mainstream media, for this murder committed savagely, brutally and vilely out of feelings of hatred and revenge. The pose that the DHKP-C terrorists struck with guns pressed to the temple of the martyred Prosecutor was a copy of the pose that DAESH terrorists strike with knives to the throats of their victims. But here too we saw savagery, terrorism and murder being distinguished from one another. In short, we experienced one more level in the debasement of humanity. Who knows what more we will see?

By contrast, on the same occasion we also saw the most perfect example of nobility, fortitude, dignity and patience embodied in a martyr's father. The lower some sank, the higher the martyr's father rose. The prosecutor who came from a village in Siirt, studied under the hardest conditions, and was "truly" on his way to bring bread home, and his noble father, with their stance and their very being, slapped in everyone's face all the fraudulence about Berkin, who has been exploited down to his smallest cells with the lie that he was "killed while going to buy bread."

On this occasion, Berkin Elvan and the leftist culture that loves the dead, and with it the archaic spitefulness, vengefulness and hatred of the left in Turkey, should undoubtedly be seen with a sense of lesson. It is plain how this spite, this feeling of revenge and hatred, poisons the left. Far from being of any good to itself, in this poisoned state, whom can the left be a balm to?