The illegal organization language in the addendum

The General Staff's statement regarding the "Information Support Activity Action Plan" published by Taraf newspaper was naturally not enough to relieve minds. In an unusually brief statement, it is stated that "There is no such official document or plan approved by the command level in the records of the General Staff," but since September, many strange incidents involving actors who are members of the TAF present an exact parallel with what is described in the document. If only the General Staff's statement could also explain that the TAF has no connection whatsoever with these developments...

Besides, how could it be possible for such a document to acquire an official status?

Is it possible for a document—every sentence of which constitutes an open crime, which codes nearly eighty percent of its own people as enemies, which views the government institution it is subordinate to as an "opponent" or even an "enemy" and sets forth struggle strategies against it—to have an official status? Surely not that much.

However, let us not forget that the two detailed coup plans codenamed Sarıkız and Ayışığı in 2003 and 2004, mentioned in the diaries of Retired Gen. Özden Örnek published by Nokta magazine and proven authentic through court channels, were also not based on an official document approved by the command level. But even if we trust the General Staff's statement and accept that no such document exists, has the time not come for us to voice the following? It is a clear reality that we are faced with the reality of an institution that produces so many coup attempts or thoughts coming to light within such a short time. As we remember from the diaries, the idea of "staging a coup" has turned into a sort of leisure hobby among members of the institution.

Indeed, it was this frivolity that alienated Gen. Örnek from other coup plotters, especially Gen. Şener Eruygur. Gen. Örnek, who initially joined the idea of a coup with a naive intention to put a stop to the country's bad course, strongly felt that other commanders exploited this for their personal power ambitions, and reflected this feeling in his diary. But there is one more thing he recorded that was truly hair-raising: A commander's constant words whenever they met, "Well, when are we going to stage the coup!!" These words turned the coup into a frivolous leisure fantasy and would appear to the Pasha as the product of a personality that could observe no benefit for the country.

The Annex to the plan also draws attention with its recklessness and frivolity in every subject it touches upon. It is observed that staging a coup—that is, turning the weapons entrusted to it by the nation for the security of the nation's peace and order back against the nation to usurp power—is a very routine product within the institution of a mindset that sees this as its most natural right. Could there be a greater danger for this country than this?

While the elements of the Turkish nation are presented as an enemy in the Annex, the struggle against them is expressed and planned through the language and perspective of a secret organization.

"Using people from the media, high judiciary, university personnel, certain artists to create public support, etc..."

It is truly strange that a structure acting on behalf of the entire nation feels the need for these. This language is the language of an illegal, marginal, or at times mob-like organization, and it is actually aware that what it is doing is a crime. Otherwise, why would it think of trying to pull law or science to its side? Not trusting that a judiciary functioning independently of itself can produce sufficient justice and order; not trusting the results that autonomous science will yield on its own, and furthermore, stooping to pull their results to its own side are typical behaviors of illegal organizations.

Phrases like "infiltrating the state, capturing the state" are precisely the language of this secret organization. Those who express the changes of duty occurring within a democratic and bureaucratic process in this language are generally those who have arrived at their own offices and positions as a result of an operation of "infiltration" or "capture."

Therefore, it is necessary to pay attention to the illegal motives of those who express democracy, which is a regime of open and equal-participation competition and acquiring power, with this language.

Thank goodness the Chief of the General Staff persistently states that no such document exists. Even if the existence and authenticity of the document could be proven, at least this statement shows that the TAF command hierarchy does not take ownership of such a document.

It now remains to ask what kind of distance the TAF puts between itself and the parallels between this document and what has been experienced in this country for about 9 months.